… قضى الإمام الحسين (عليه السلام) وأصحابه (رضي الله عنهم) ليلة العاشر من المحرّم بالصلاة والدعاء، وقراءة القرآن، وكان لهم دويٌّ كدويّ النحل، كما كانوا يصلحون سيوفهم ورماحهم استعداداً للقاء القوم

يوم العاشر

طلب الإمام الحسين (عليه السلام) في صباح اليوم العاشر ـ إتماماً للحُجّة على أعدائه ـ من جيش يزيد، أن ينصتوا إليه لكي يكلّمهم، إلاّ أنّهم أبوا ذلك، وعلا ضجيجهم، وفي النهاية سكتوا، فخطب فيهم معاتباً لهم على دعوتهم له، وتخاذلهم عنه

كما حدّثهم (عليه السلام) بما سيقع لهم بعد قتله على أيدي الظالمين، من ولاة بني أُمية، ممّا عهد إليه من جدّه رسول الله (صلى الله عليه وآله)، وأبيه أمير المؤمنين(عليه السلام)، وهو ما تحقّق فعلاً

وخصّ في ذلك عمر بن سعد، الذي كان يزيد يمنّيه بجعله والياً على الرّي وجرجان، بأنّ حلمه ذاك لن يتحقّق، وأنّه سوف يُقتل، ويُرفع رأسه على الرمح

عاد الإمام الحسين (عليه السلام) مرّة أُخرى على ظهر فرسه، ووقف أمام الجيش الأُموي، وخاطبهم قائلاً: «أمّا بَعد، فانسبونِي فانظُروا مَن أنَا؟ ثمّ ارجعوا إلى أنفسكم وعاتبوها، فانظروا هَلْ يحلُّ لَكُم قتلي وانتهاكُ حُرمتي؟ ألسْتُ ابن بنتِ نبيِّكم (صلى الله عليه وآله)، وابن وصيِّه وابن عمِّه، وأوّل المؤمنين بالله، والمصدِّق لِرسولِه بما جاء من عند رَبِّه؟ أوَ ليس حمزة سَيِّد الشهداء عَمّ أبي؟ أو ليسَ جَعفر الشهيد الطيّار ذو الجناحين عَمِّي؟ أوَ لَمْ يَبلُغْكُم قول مُستفيض فيكم: إنّ رسولَ الله(صلى الله عليه وآله) قال لي ولأخي: هَذان سَيِّدا شَبَاب أهل الجنّة؟…».

فلم يستجب له أحد، ثمّ خاطبهم (عليه السلام) قائلاً: «أمَا تَرونَ سَيفَ رَسولِ الله (صلى الله عليه وآله) ولاَمَةَ حَربِه وعمَامتَه عليّ»؟ قالوا: نعم

فقال (عليه السلام): «لِمَ تُقاتِلونِي»؟ أجابوا: طاعةً للأمير عبيد الله بن زياد.

 هجوم الأعداء

إستحوذ الشيطان على عمر بن سعد ـ قائد الجيش ـ فوضع سهمه في كبد قوسه، ثمّ رمى مخيّم الإمام الحسين (عليه السلام) وقال: «اِشهدُوا أنّي أوّل مَن رمى»، فتبِعَه جنده يُمطرون آل الرسول (صلى الله عليه وآله) بوابل من السهام.

فعظم الموقف على الإمام الحسين (عليه السلام)، ثمّ خاطب أصحابه قائلاً: «قُومُوا رَحِمكم الله إلى الموتِ الذي لا بدّ منه، فإنّ هذه السهام رُسل القوم إليكم.»

فلبّوا (رضي الله عنهم) النداء، وانطلقوا كالأُسود يحاربون العدوّ، فاستمرت رحى الحرب تدور في ميدان كربلاء

وبدأ أصحاب الحسين (عليه السلام) يتساقطون الواحد تلو الآخر، وقد أرهقوا جيش العدوّ وأثخنوه بالجراح، فتصايَح رجال عمر بن سعد: لو استمرّت الحربُ بَيننا، لأتوا على آخرنا، لِنَهجم عليهم مَرّة واحدة، ولِنرشُفهُم بالنِبال والحجارة

واستمرّ الهجوم والزحف نحو من بقي مع الإمام الحسين (عليه السلام)، وأحاطوا بهم من جهات متعدّدة، فتعالت أصوات ابن سعد ونداءاته إلى جيشه، وقد دخل المعسكر يقتل وينهب، ويقول: «اِحرقوا الخيام»

فضجّت النساء، وتصارخ الأطفال، وعلا الضجيج، وراحت ألسِنة النار تلتهم المخيّم، وسكّانه يفرُّون فزعين مرعوبين، فلم يهدأ سعير المعركة، وراح مَن بقي من أصحاب الإمام الحسين (عليه السلام) وأهل بيته يستشهدون الواحد تلو الآخر

فاستُشهد ولده عليّ الأكبر وإخوته، وأبناء أخيه وابن أُخته، وآل عقيل وآل عليّ (عليه السلام)، مجزّرين كالأضاحي، وهم يتناثرون في أرض المعركة

وكذا بدأ شلاّل الدم ينحدر على أرض كربلاء، وصيحات العطش والرعب تتعالى من حناجر النساء والأطفال

فركب الإمام الحسين (عليه السلام) جواده، يتقدّمه أخوه العباس (عليه السلام)، وتوجّه نحو نهر الفرات؛ ليحمل الماء إلى العيال، فحالت حشود العدوّ دونه، فأصبح هو في جانب وأخيه في جانب آخر

وكانت للبطل الشجاع أبي الفضل العباس (عليه السلام) صولة ومعركة حامية، طارت فيها رؤوس، وتساقطت فرسان، وهو يصول ويجول في ميدان الجهاد بعيداً عن أخيه، حتّى خرّ صريعاً سابحاً بدم الشهادة

وتعلّق قلب الإمام الحسين (عليه السلام) بمخيّمه، وما خلّفت النار والسيوف بأهله وحرمه

فراح (عليه السلام) ينادي، وقد طوّقته قوّات الأعداء وحالت بينه وبينهم، فصاح بهم: «أنَا الّذي أقاتِلُكم وتقاتلوني، والنِساء لَيسَ عَليهنّ جُناح، فامْنَعوا عُتاتكم وجهّالكم وطغاتكم من التعرُّض لحَرَمي ما دُمتُ حَيّاً»

إلاّ أنّهم استمرّوا في هجومهم على المخيّم، ولم يعبئوا لكلامه (عليه السلام)

فاستمرّ الهجوم عنيفاً، والإمام (عليه السلام) منهمك في قتال أعدائه، إلى أن سدّد له أحد الأجلاف سهماً واستقرّ في نحره الشريف، ثمّ راحت السيوف والرماح تنزل عليه كالمطر الغزير

فلم يستطع (عليه السلام) مقاومة الألم والنزف، فوقع على الأرض، ولم يكفُّوا عنه؛ لأنّ روح الحقد والوحشية التي امتلأت بها جوانحهم لم تسمح بذلك

بل راح الملعون شمر بن ذي الجوشن، يحمل سيفه ليقطع غصناً من شجرة النبوّة، وليثكل الزهراء (عليها السلام) بعزيزها، ففصل الرأس الشريف عن الجسد، ليحمله هدية للطاغية يزيد

ذلك الرأس الذي طالما سجد لله، وحمل اللّسان الذي ما فتئ يردّد ذكر الله، وينادي (عليه السلام): «لا أعطِيكُم بِيَدي إِعطَاء الذليل، ولا أقرُّ إِقرَار العبيد»، الرأس الذي حمل العزّ والإباء، ورفض أن ينحني للعتاة أو يطأطئ جبهته للظالمين

ثمّ حلّ السكون على أرض كربلاء الطاهرة، فأتت العقيلة زينب الكبرى (عليها السلام) إلى الميدان حتّى وقفت على جسد أخيها الحسين (عليه السلام)، ثمّ قالت: «اللّهمّ تقبّل منّا هذا القربان»

Martyrdom of Imam Al-Hussein

On Muawiya’s death, his son Yazid assumed the caliphate in accordance with the former’s unprecedented testament in Rajab 60 / March 680. A true representative of the way of life common among the pre-Islamic youth of the Umayyad aristocracy, Yazid commanded no respect in the community.

His anti-Islamic behaviour and openly irreligious practices were well known throughout the Muslim world and earned for him contempt and disfavour, especially among those who cared for religion. Even those few writers who attempt to hush up some of the information unfavourable to the Umayyad house could not refrain from reporting that Yazid was the first among the caliphs to drink wine in public and that he sought out the worst company, spending much of his time in the pleasures of music and singing and amusing himself with apes and hunting hounds. He himself had no use for religion, nor had he any regard for the religious sentiments of others. Addicted to wine-bibbing, attracted to singing girls, and exposed to all sorts of vices, Yazid had never been presented in good terms by any Muslim writer of any period or by any school of thought. His open and persistent violations of Islamic norms were still more shocking to the community because of his close proximity to the Prophet and the Orthodox Caliphs, of whom he claimed to be the successor and from whose authority he derived his title. Nevertheless, Muawiya’s meticulous arrangements, coupled with his formidable military grip on the Muslim world, ensured the smooth succession of his son. Yazid was thus hailed as the “Commander of the Faithful” by all the tribes and the provinces; yet his title was not secure until he could receive homage from the four most notable personalities of Islam, whom Muawiya, in spite of his utmost efforts, could neither buy nor coerce as he had done with all other men of prominence and the chiefs of the tribes.

With the death of Muawiya the last of the first generation who could claim for himself at least some political importance, the caliphate had to pass on to the second generation after the Prophet. The grandees of this generation were Hussein ibn Ali, Abdullah ibn Zubayr, Abdullah ibn Umar, and Abdurrahman ibn Abi-Bakr, the sons of the most prominent Companions of the Prophet who were held in great respect by the community; Hussein, also being the only surviving grandson of the Prophet, enjoyed greater regard than the other three. It was therefore obvious that without their recognition Yazid’s authority could not be firmly consolidated, was fully aware of the importance of these four, and having failed to secure their agreement to Yazid’s succession, he warned his son of the danger before he breathed his last. On his deathbed Muawiya advised Yazid:

“O my son, I have arranged everything for you, and I have made all the Arabs agree to obey you. No one will now oppose you in your title to the caliphate, but I am very much afraid of Hussein ibn Ali, Abdullah ibn Umar, Abdurrahman ibn Abi-Bakr, and Abdullah ibn Zubayr. Among them Hussein ibn Ali commands great love and respect because of his superior rights and close relationship to the Prophet. I do not think that the people of Iraq will abandon him until they have risen in rebellion for him against you. As far as is possible, try to deal with him gently. But the man who will attack you with full force, like a lion attacks his prey, and who will pounce upon you, like a fox when it finds an opportunity to pounce, is Abdullah ibn Zubayr. Whenever you get a chance, cut him into pieces.”

Muawiya’s advice, commonly reported by many sources, confirms the reports that Muawiya’s efforts to secure the approval of these grandees of Islam for Yazid’s succession had not been successful.

In order to secure undisputed possession of the caliphate, the first task Yazid undertook was to order the governor of Medina, Al-Walid ibn Utba, to exact homage from the refractory, especially from Hussein and Ibn Zubayr. In his letter to the governor, he gave strict orders that they should not be allowed to delay, and if they refused, that Walid should behead them at once. Some sources include the name of Ibn Umar as also having been specifically mentioned in this letter. Walid ibn Utba accordingly sent for Hussein and Ibn Zubayr at an unusual hour of the night to oblige them to pay homage to the new caliph. Both of them realized that Muawiya was dead, and both had decided to stand by their refusal to pay homage to Yazid. Ibn Zubayr did not go to the palace and fled to Mecca the following night. Hussein went to see the governor, but was accompanied by a strong band of his supporters in case of a serious confrontation. Leaving his supporters at the gate, Hussein went into the palace alone. Walid read to him Yazid’s letter and asked for immediate recognition of the new caliph. Hussein replied uncommittedly that the homage, in order to be valid, must be made in public and that the governor should arrange a public gathering in the mosque where he would also be present.

With this reply, when Hussein rose to leave the palace, Marwan ibn al-Hakam, who was present there as well, rebuked the governor, saying: “By God, if you allow Hussein to leave without paying the homage now, you will never be able to get it from him; so arrest him and do not free him until he pays the homage, or behead him.”

In fact, Marwan had already advised Walid to call these two for homage, and if they refused, he would kill them at once before the news of Muawiya’s death became known to the people. Walid, however, did not accept this advice: as Hussein left the palace, the former retorted to Marwan’s harsh attitude, saying:

“Do not reproach me for this, O Marwan. You have advised me to do something in which there lies complete destruction and the ruin of my religion. By God, if the entire wealth and treasures of the whole world were given to me, I would not kill Hussein. Should I kill him only because he refuses to pay homage? I would suffer total destruction on the Day of Judgement, for in the sight of God there cannot be anything more accountable than the blood of Hussein.”

The reply of Walid to Marwan, so commonly recorded by the sources, reflects that particular regard and respect with which the grandson of the Prophet was held not only by his followers, but by a great number of Muslims in general.

Hussein, however, succeeded in avoiding the demand for homage for two days and finally escaped at night with his family and most of the Hashemites to Mecca. Walid ibn Utba paid for his lenient attitude towards the grandson of the Prophet; he was shortly thereafter dismissed from his post as governor of Medina.

Ibn Zubayr, who reached Mecca before Hussein, had gathered people around him against Yazid, and he is reported to have been harbouring secret ambitions for caliphate himself. But as soon as Hussein arrived in the city, the people abandoned Ibn Zubayr and gathered around Hussein.

This was only natural, for our sources clearly state that “Hussein was much dearer and far more respected by the people of the Hijaz than Ibn Zubayr, who knew that the people there would never follow him as long as Hussein was in Mecca.” So great were the inclinations of the people to Hussein that after his arrival there people prayed with him, performed the ritual circumambulation with him, and preferred to stay around him most of the time.

Hussein, like his brother Hassan, combined in his person the right of descent both from the Prophet and from Ali; and now after the death of Hassan he was the only candidate from the Prophet’s family. But in the preceding years he had done very little to support his rights, restricting himself to a negative attitude towards Yazid’s nomination. Nor, due to Hassan’s treaty with Muawiya, was it possible for him to act as long as Muawiya was alive. This he explained to the Shiites of Kufa whenever they approached him concerning an uprising. The death of Muawiya changed the situation. On the one hand, Hussein was now free from the treaty obligations of his brother and, on the other, the demand for active guidance and leadership from the Shiites of Kufa became increasingly pressing. As soon as this group received word of Muawiya’s death, they held a series of meetings expressing their renewed and enthusiastic support for Hussein. They sent out numerous letters and a succession of messengers urging Hussein to come to Kufa to take their leadership, as they had no Imam other than him. The first letter Hussein received on 10 Ramadan 60 / 15 June 680; it was signed by Suleiman ibn Surad al-Khuza’i, Al-Musayyab ibn Najaba, Rifa’a ibn Shaddad, Habib ibn al-Muzahir, and Muslim ibn Awsaja in the name of the Shiites and Muslims of Kufa, and read:

“We thank God for casting down the tyrannical rule of your enemy, who had usurped the power to rule this community without any right, allowed the possession of God to pass into the hands of the powerful and the rich, and killed the best men [an allusion to Hujr ibn Adi and his supporters] while allowing the worst of the people to remain alive. We invite you to come to Kufa, as we have no Imam to guide us; and we hope that through you God will unite us on the path truth. We do not go to Friday congregational prayers to pray with Numan ibn Bashir, the governor of Kufa, nor do we assemble with him at the occasion of the Eid. If we hear that you are coming to us, we will oust the governor from our city. Peace and mercy of God be upon you.”

This letter, signed by the men named above, must have served as a major incentive to Hussein, for the signatories had been trusted followers of his house from the very beginning and had proven their loyalty at the battles of Al-Jamal and Siffin with Ali. Though they had been extremely perturbed and disappointed by Hassan’s abdication in favour of Muawiya, they nevertheless remained loyal to the former and hostile to the latter. Apart from these early Shiites, a great number of other Kufans also wrote letters to Hussein, each signed by numerous individuals for the same purpose.

Similar letters urging Hussein to assume active leadership were also sent by the Shiites of Basra. Not all of them, however, had the same degree of religious motivation: some had political aspirations, hoping to throw off the yoke of Syrian domination.

The actions of Hussein, however, show that from beginning to end his strategy was aimed at a much higher goal than simply accession to the caliphate. There is no evidence that he tried, while at Mecca, to enlist active supporters from among the people who gathered around him or to propagate his cause among the great numbers of people who were coming to Mecca for the Hajj pilgrimage; there is also no evidence that he attempted to send his emissaries to stir up any rebellion in provinces such as Yemen and Persia, which were sympathetic to his house, even though advised by some of his family members to do so. And above all, had he acted promptly on the invitation of the Kufans, while the governorship of the city was in the hands of the weak Numan ibn Bashir, he might have had a fair chance of success. His speedy arrival would not only have forestalled any effective action on the part of the Umayyad government, but would also have stirred real enthusiasm among the Kufans. This was emphasized by the leaders of the movement when they wrote:

“In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate; to Hussein ibn Ali, from his Shia, the faithful Muslims: Further make haste, for the people are awaiting you, as they have no Imam other than you! So haste, and again haste! Peace.”

This last letter was signed by a number of people and was sent with a delegation consisting of Hani ibn Hani and Sa’id ibn Abdullah al-Hanafi, the two most trusted Shiites of Kufa. In response to all these approaches, however, Hussein sent only one letter in reply through this last delegation. The content of this letter is worthy of note; it reads:

“From Hussein ibn Ali to the believers and the Muslims [note that the word Shia is not used]. Hani and Sa’id came to me with your letters, they being the last among your messengers and delegations to come to me. I have understood what you said and that you have invited me to come to you because you have no Imam to guide you, and that you hope my arrival there will unite you in the right path and in the truth. I am sending my cousin and the trusted one from my family [Muslim ibn Aqil] to report to me about your affairs. If his report conforms with what you have written, I will soon come. But you must be clear about the fact that the Imam is only one who follows the Book of God, makes justice and honesty his conduct and behaviour, judges with truth, and devotes himself to the service of God. Peace.”

The last sentence of the letter, explaining the duties of an Imam and the nature of the Imamate, helps us to understand Hussein’s approach and attitude towards the whole problem.

Abu-Mikhnaf has also preserved for us Hussein’s letter to the Shiites of Basra, which is equally worthy of quotation here.

It reads: “God has chosen Muhammad from among his people, graced him with His Prophethood and selected him for His message. After he admonished the people and conveyed His message to them, God took him back unto Himself. We, being his family, his close associates endowed with the quality of leadership, his trustees and viceregents, and his heirs and legatees, are the most deserving among all the people to take his place. But the people preferred themselves over us for this privilege. We became contented, disliking dissension and anxious to preserve the peace and well-being [of the community], though we were fully aware that we were more entitled to this leadership than those who had taken it for themselves… I have sent my messenger to you and I call you to the Book of God, and the Traditions of his Prophet, the Traditions which have become obliterated and innovations have become active and energetic. If you listen to me and obey my orders, I will guide you to the right path. May the peace and the mercy of God be upon you.”

The content of this letter is a complete statement of the Shiite doctrine of Imamate even at this early stage. That the historical sources have recorded little of what we may call Shiite religio-political theory is due to the fact that their main interest has been in events, not in the underlying principles behind those events. Yet in narrating the events the sources have preserved certain documents such as letters or speeches which give us a glimpse of those ideals which underly the events.

In these letters, Hussein adequately explains the concept of Divinely commissioned leadership (wilaya), which means that God has bestowed upon the family of the Prophet special honour and qualities, thereby making them the ideal rulers, and that through their presence on earth His grace is disseminated. The other two terms of doctrinal importance are trusteeship or custodianship, and heir and legatee, which are used by Hussein. At the time of Ali election for the caliphate, he was hailed in these terms by his closest associates. Now after thirty-five years the same terms are being used by Hussein.

Both these terms carry the idea of God’s recommendation of the family of the Prophet to the people, that Muhammad recommended Ali, and that at his death Ali recommended Hassan, who left the legacy of the House for Hussein. It may, however, be too early for these concepts to have assumed the full flowering of their doctrinal content, yet one can see their presence in their embryonic form.

The other important part of Hussein’s letter is his declaration that the right of ruling the community is the exclusive right of the family of the Prophet and they alone can guide the people in the right path; or in other words, they alone, by virtue of their special qualities, can combine temporal power and religious guidance together. Moreover, by this statement Hussein made a judgement on the caliphates of Abu-Bakr, Umar and Uthman. Then, in the last part of his letter, by calling people to the Sunna (traditions) of the Prophet, Hussein implicitly rejected the interpretations of the first three caliphs who were not among the Ahl al-Bayt (the Prophetic family). The followers of the House of the Prophet would, therefore, go back directly to the Sunna of the Prophet and their Imams, who are divinely inspired.

However, Hussein decided to respond to the call. Two obvious factors inspired him to act. Firstly, being the grandson of the founder of Islam, he must have felt it his duty to respond to the repeated appeals of these Muslims; and secondly, Yazid’s pressing demand for homage was such that Hussein’s filial piety and pride could not allow him to accept.

It was a difficult situation. Acceptance of the authority of Muawiya as the head of the Muslim state was an entirely different matter from the acceptance of Yazid. Muawiya, in spite of his worldliness and indifferent attitude towards religion, did not totally violate the norms of Islam, at least not outwardly.

Yazid not only violated Quranic norms and Prophetic traditions, but also openly subjected them to contempt and ridicule, as has been the consensus of Muslim writers of all times. Even Muawiya’s own agents, in implementing the plan for Yazid’s nomination, were concerned about the latter’s character. Thus when Muawiya asked Ziyad to prepare the people of Basra and Kufa to accept Yazid’s nomination, the governor advised Muawiya to try to mend the ways of his son before asking people to swear allegiance to him.

It would indeed be a great mistake to assess the case of Yazid without taking into consideration the living impact of the Prophet and the first generation of Islam. The tense contradiction between this and the character of Yazid ultimately provoked the tragedy of Karbala, to which we must now turn. In order to maintain the continuity of our narrative.

In spite of repeated appeals and hundreds of letters sent by the Kufans, Hussein did not take a hasty decision, and as a precaution sent his cousin, Muslim ibn Aqil, to Kufa as his emissary with instructions to ascertain the truth of these representations and report back on his findings. As soon as Muslim arrived at Kufa there was held in the house of Suleiman ibn Surad al-Khuza’i a meeting which, for the sake of secrecy at this stage, was attended only by the leaders of the movement. In response to Hussein’s letter, read before those present and quoted above, Shiite leaders such as Abis ibn Abi-Habib Shakiri, Habib ibn Muzahir, and Sa’d ibn Abdullah made passionate speeches and declared their wholehearted support for Hussein until the last breath. We shall see shortly that their pledges were not empty words.

They remained loyal to the cause, fulfilled their promises, and ultimately gave their lives with Hussein at Karbala. Apart from these religiously devoted people supporting the cause of the Ahl al-Bayt, the political supporters of Ali from among the people of Kufa did not think it wise to lag behind in supporting a movement which they thought might be successful in throwing off Umayyad domination and raising new opportunities for them. Muslim ibn Aqil thus quickly gathered thousands of pledges of support. The number of people who registered their names and swore allegiance to Muslim in the name of Hussein is variously given as 12,000 and 18,000, the majority of the sources recording the second figure. Soon the movement became so widespread that Muslim ibn Aqil was able to preside over the public meetings from the pulpit in the mosque of Kufa.

Confident of Kufan support, Muslim consequently wrote to Hussein to come to Kufa and assume leadership of the people. The letter of Muslim was sent to Hussein not by an ordinary messenger, but by Abis ibn Habib, a trusted leader of the Shiites of Kufa. Having been assured of the extent of Kufan enthusiasm, Hussein decided to go to Iraq. Already Ibn al-Hanafiya at Medina, and then Abdullah ibn Umar and Abdullah ibn Abbas, when they met Hussein on the road between Medina and Mecca, had warned him against the dangers. Again at Mecca Ibn Abbas, along with many other friends, reiterated their advice with greater insistence and tried to persuade him not to rely on Kufan promises, reminding him of their instability, their treacherous nature, and how they had betrayed, at the hour of trial, his father and brother. On the other hand, Abdullah ibn Zubayr first hypocritically voiced his concern for the safety of Hussein in the enterprise but nevertheless urged him to go on with the plan, for he wanted to make a bid for power himself. While Hussein was in Hijaz, this was impossible, as the people would never give Ibn Zubayr precedence over the grandson of the Prophet. The former was thus pleased to see that Hussein should leave the field free for him in Mecca. In spite of all the advice, however, Hussein did not abandon his project, for he had in mind a definite plan and strategy, as will be discussed later.

Receiving word of Muslim’s arrival in Kufa and the support given to him by the people there, Yazid, no longer trusting the mild-tempered and weak governor of the town, Numan ibn Bashir, appointed his strong man Obaidullah ibn Ziyad, the governor of Basra, to take charge of Kufa as well and to go there at once. The immediate task to be carried out was to crush the Shiite movement by taking whatever measures were required for this purpose. The text of Yazid’s letter is preserved by various sources and gives a clear idea of his violent attitude towards the movement in support of Hussein.

Fully aware of the insurrection in Kufa in favour of Hussein, Ibn Ziyad rode into the city in disguise, wearing a black turban, covering his face, and surrounding himself with a small squadron of horsemen. The Kufans, who were expecting Hussein, mistook Ibn Ziyad for the former, gathered all around his horse, greeted him enthusiastically, and shouted: “Hail to you, O son of the Prophet; we have been waiting for you.”

Ibn Ziyad, quietly observing the people’s enthusiasm for Hussein, entered the mosque along with the crowds, mounted the pulpit, and then suddenly tore the veil from his face. He delivered a terrifying speech, declaring death and unprecedented punishment for the sympathizers of Hussein, while making tempting promises for those who would prove their loyalty to the Caliph. The Kufans, known for their lack of resolution, were stricken by awe and fear, completely lost heart, and ultimately abandoned Muslim, who after attempting in vain to organize an immediate revolt, was captured and beheaded together with Hani ibn Urwa in whose house he had stayed.

This unreliable attitude of the political supporters of Hussein, the so-called Shiites of Kufa in general, once again demonstrates the weakness of their character, as had been pointed out to Hussein by those of the travellers coming from Kufa who happened to meet him on his way. For example, at a place called Sifah he met the poet Farazdaq and inquired about conditions in Kufa. Farazdaq replied: “Their hearts are with you, but their swords are with your enemies.”

Hussein left Mecca on 8 Dhu’l-Hijja / 10 September 680, the same day Muslim ibn Aqil was beheaded in Kufa. He had only about 50 men from among both his relatives and friends able to bear arms, besides women and children, accompanying him from Mecca on the fateful journey. Hussein’s sudden departure from Mecca, where he had been staying for the past five months and where a great number of people were arriving for the Hajj pilgrimage, only two days away, cannot have been without some serious cause. Tabari and other sources, quoting Hussein himself, report that the Umayyad government sent some soldiers disguised as pilgrims to arrest him or even assassinate him. Though it is difficult to ascertain the authenticity of this sort of report, still we cannot rule out a possibility of this kind in view of what happened to the holy cities later at the hands of the army sent by Yazid in connection with the rebellion of Ibn Zubayr.

While Hussein was heading towards Iraq, Ibn Ziyad, after killing Muslim and Hani, made Kufa a scene of terror and horror. First, he applied severe economic pressure on the population through the so-called ‘arif, being responsible for distribution of stipends and the maintenance of law and order. He exploited these state functionaries and ordered them to write down the names of any strangers or rebellious or suspicious people in their records. He held the ‘arifs responsible for any trouble that might occur in their shifts and threatened that they would be crucified and the entire post would be deprived of its stipend if anything was concealed from Ibn Ziyad. Secondly, he made a declaration that anyone suspected of supporting Hussein would be hanged without trial, his house set on fire, and his property confiscated.

Kufa was thus soon brought under full control. At the same time, Ibn Ziyad blockaded all the roads leading from Hijaz to Kufa and gave strict orders forbidding anyone from entering or leaving the territory of Kufa. At Qadisiya, which by the normal route links Kufa with Hijaz, he set up a strong military post with an army of 4,000 troops under the command of Hussain ibn Numayr. Similarly, other border areas like Qutqutana, La’la’, and Kaffan, which link Kufa with Basra and other parts of Iraq, were being heavily patrolled by the Umayyad army; and consequently it was almost impossible for anyone to enter or leave Kufa. Hussein learned of all these strict measures from the Bedouins, but continued his journey undeterred.

When he reached Tha’libiya, he received word from some travellers of the execution of Muslim ibn Aqil and Hani ibn Urwa at Kufa; then at Zubala he learned that his messenger Qays ibn Mushir, whom he had dispatched from Hujar, the fourth stage from Mecca, with a letter for the Kufans informing them of his imminent arrival, had been captured at the checkpoint at Qadisiya and that he had been brutally killed by Ibn Ziyad in Kufa: He was thrown from the top of the governor’s palace when he refused to curse Hussein to save his own life. Hussein could not control his tears at the tragic fate of his trusted follower and, quoting a verse of the Quran, said: ” Among the believers are men who have been true to their covenant with God. Some of them have completed their vow [i.e. have sacrificed their lives in fulfilling their vow], and some others are still waiting [to die]; but they have never changed [their determination] in the least.’ [33:23]. O God, make Paradise an abode for us [the surviving ones] and for them [the ones who have been killed], and unite both of us in a resting place under Your mercy and make Your reward our only object of desire and our treasure.”

This statement by Hussein is clear enough to demonstrate that he was fully aware of what was going to happen to him and that he was fully prepared for it. Another expression of Hussein’s thinking is reflected by his proclamation to his companions which he made after receiving this news at Zubala. He stood among those accompanying him and after informing them of the doleful news and of the obvious danger of death and complete destruction for which he was heading, he asked them to leave him and withdraw to safety. Those who had joined him during the journey with certain hopes of material gains did depart, and there remained with him only those who had followed him from Hijaz. These statements by Hussein must be taken into consideration, for they are important for an understanding of his thinking, which will be discussed below.

Leaving Zubala, Hussein reached Batn Aqiq, a place a few stages away from Kufa; and upon learning in detail of the strong military force stationed at Qadisiya, he changed his route to enter Kufa from another direction. Hussain ibn Numayr, the commander at Qadisiya, was informed of Hussein’s change of route and sent a detachment of 1,000 troops under the command of Hurr ibn Yazid to intercept him. When they appeared on the horizon, Hussein ordered his people to pitch their tents at a nearby place called Dhul-Husm (or Husam). The army of Hurr soon reached Hussein.

The day was hot and Hurr’s army had run out of water; the grandson of the Prophet could not tolerate that even his enemies should suffer from thirst, and he ordered his men to give water to the Umayyad troops and to their horses. Hussein himself took part in serving water to those badly affected by thirst and the heat. Hurr had a certain regard for Hussein, and at both prayers of the day he, along with his troops, prayed behind him. Even when four of the leading Shiites of Kufa who had managed to escape from the city joined Hussein at this point, Hurr, though he protested, did not dare to use force. After each of the two prayers, Hussein explained to his adversaries the reasons which had caused him to set out:

“O people of Kufa! You sent to me your delegations and wrote me letters saying that you had no Imam and that I should come to unite you and lead you in the way of God … You wrote that we, the Ahl al-Bayt, are more qualified to govern your affairs than those who claim things to which they have no right and who act unjustly and wrongfully…. But if you have changed your minds, have become ignorant of our rights, and have forgotten your delegations and repeated appeals to me to come for the sake of your religion… I shall turn back.”

Then Hussein showed Hurr two sacks full of the letters sent by the Kufans to him, but Hurr said he knew nothing of these and that he had come with the orders of Ibn Ziyad to arrest him and his party as prisoners to be handed over to Ibn Ziyad. Hussein refused to submit, but still Hurr did not use force against him. After some argument it was agreed that Hussein should keep on travelling along River Euphrates in the opposite direction from Kufa until fresh orders arrived from the governor, and that Hurr would follow Hussein closely. When they reached the district of Nineveh, a horseman arrived from Kufa. Without greeting Hussein, he gave Hurr a letter from Ibn Ziyad ordering him not to allow the “rebels” to make a halt except in a desert place without fortifications or water. Zuhayr ibn al-Qayn, a companion of Hussein, then suggested that he should attack Hurr’s small detachment and occupy a fortified village called Al-Aqr, but Hussein refused to be the one to initiate hostilities. Hussein, however, managed to proceed only a little farther until they reached the plain of Karbala and there pitched their tents. It was 2 Muharram 61 / 2 October 680.

On the third of Muharram the situation deteriorated as Umar ibn Sa’d arrived with the Umayyad army of 4,000 men and assumed overall command on the field. Upon reaching Karbala, Ibn Sa’d learned that Hussein now intended to return to Medina; but Ibn Ziyad, on receiving word of this development, ordered that all the “rebels” should render homage to Yazid. Meanwhile, they were to be prevented from reaching the river. Umar ibn Sa’d accordingly stationed a force of 500 cavalry on the road to the river, and for three days before the massacre on the tenth of Muharram Hussein and party suffered terribly from thirst. A daring sortie led by Abbas, Hussein’s brother, managed to reach the river but succeeded in filling only a few waterskins. Ibn Sa’d was still trying to persuade the governor to find some peaceful means to avoid shedding the blood of the grandson of the Prophet, but all in vain. Ibn Ziyad sent his final orders through Shamir ibn Dhul-Jawshan (commonly written as Shimr) either to attack Hussein immediately or to hand over the command of the army to Shamir, the bearer of the letter. The orders also specified that when Hussein fell in the fighting his body was to be trampled, because he was “a rebel, a seditious person, a brigand, an oppressor!” Ibn Sa’d had to act, as he was anxious to retain his appointment as the deputy of the governor of the province of Ray and was well aware of the fact that Hussein would never submit, for the latter “had a proud soul in him.”

Soon after receiving these new orders on the evening of 9 Muharram, Ibn Sa’d advanced with his army towards the camp of Hussein. Noticing this, Hussein sent his brother Abbas, along with some followers, to ascertain the reason for their approach. Abbas was told of the orders of Ibn Ziyad, and when informed of this Hussein sent Abbas back to request a respite of one night. This was granted. At this point Hussein assembled his relatives and supporters and delivered a speech. This speech is unanimously reported in the events of the night of Ashura by the sources through different authorities, and it is useful in understanding Hussein’s thinking. He said:

“I give praise to God who has honoured us with the Prophethood, taught us the Quran, and favoured us with His religion … I know of no worthier companions than mine; may God reward you with all the best of His reward. I think tomorrow our end will come … I ask you all to leave me alone and to go away to safety. I free you from your responsibilities for me, and I do not hold you back. Night will provide you a cover; use it as a steed … You may take my children with you to save their lives.”

With only a few exceptions, his supporters, from among both friends and relatives, refused to leave or survive after him; through their speeches, they showed an unshakable devotion to his cause. After some measures were taken for the safety of women and children and for defence by bringing the tents closer together, tying them to one another, digging ditches in the rear and on the flanks and filling them with wood, the rest of the night was spent in prayer, recitation of the Quran, and worship and remembrance of God.

The borrowed night ended, and the fateful morning of 10 Muharram brought with it the summons of death and the tragic end of the family of the Prophet and its handful of supporters. Hussein drew up in front of the tents his small army of 72 men: 32 horsemen and 40 foot-soldiers of varying ages ranging from the seventy-year-old Muslim ibn Awsaja to the fourteen-year-old Qasim ibn Hassan ibn Ali. The rear of the tents was protected by setting on fire the heaps of wood and reeds. Zuhayr ibn al-Qayn was given command of the right wing, Habib ibn Muzahir of the left, and Abbas ibn Ali was entrusted with the standard of the Hashemite house.

Hussein, preparing himself for the fateful encounter, dressed himself in the cloak of the Prophet, perfumed himself with musk, and rode on horseback with the Quran raised in his hand. Addressing his enemies and invoking God in a long and beautiful sermon, he said:

“O God, You are my only trust in every calamity; You are my only hope in every hardship; You are the only promise in the anxiety and distress in which hearts become weak and [human] action becomes slight, in which one is deserted and forsaken by his own friends, and in which the enemies take malicious pleasure and rejoice at his misfortunes. O God, I submit myself to You; my complaint is to You Alone against my enemies, and to You Alone is my desire and request. Who else other than You can relieve me from grief? You Alone are the custodian of every blessing and the master of every excellence and the last resort for every desire.”

The enemy replied to Hussein’s discourse with the most insulting and heinous remarks; among them, Shamir, seeing the fire burning by Hussein’s tents, said: “Hussein, you are hastening for the fire in this world even before the fire of the Day of Judgement.” Hussein’s companion, Muslim ibn Awsaja, could not control himself at this heinous insult and asked his permission to reply with an arrow, but Hussein stopped him, saying: “We will never start the fighting from our side.” As the situation grew hotter and an attack from the Umayyad army imminent, Hussein once again came forward; after praising God and praying for His blessing on Muhammad, he addressed his enemies:

“O people! You are accusing me, but think who I am! Then search your hearts for what you are doing to me. Consider well if it be lawful for you to kill me and violate my sacrosanctity. Am I not the son of the daughter of your Prophet, the son of the Prophet’s trustee and cousin…? Did not the Prophet say of me and my brother that ‘they are the lords of the youths of Paradise’? You cannot deny the truth of what I have said concerning the merits of the family of Muhammad. Are all these not sufficient to prevent you from shedding my blood?”

And again:

“If you search in the whole East and the West, you will not find a grandson of the Prophet other than me.”

Hussein’s numerous speeches and repeated appeals in the name of the Prophet to his enemies’ religious sentiments, which he made throughout the day and after each loss of life among his supporters, were all in vain. The only reply he received was that he must submit himself to Yazid or be killed. To this demand Hussein’s reply was that he could never humiliate himself like a slave.

The day-long battle—sometimes in single combat, sometimes collectively—began in the morning and ended shortly before sunset. The phases of the battle can be followed fairly clearly. After Hussein’s first speech, the Umayyad army began firing arrows and duels took place. For most of the day there were series of single combats, with dialogues between the adversaries which are vividly recorded in the sources. It seems that two major assaults were made by the Umayyads before noon and were met with stiff resistance, but the Umayyad cavalry and 500 archers maintained steady pressure on Hussein’s small force. As the latter could be approached only from the front, Ibn Sa’d sent some men from the right and left towards the tents to destroy them, but the supporters of Hussein, slipping among the tents, defended them energetically. Shamir, with a strong force under his command, approached the tent of Hussein and his wives and would have set it on fire, but even his comrades reproached him for this and he went away ashamed.

At noon Hussein and his followers performed the Midday Prayer according to the prayers prescribed for when one faces a disastrous situation and calamity. It was in the afternoon that the battle became fiercer, and Hussein’s supporters one after the other fell fighting in front of him. Until the last of them had perished not a single member of Hussein’s family came to harm, but finally it was the turn of his relatives.

The first to have been killed was Ali al-Akbar, the son of Hussein, followed in quick succession by the son of Muslim ibn Aqil, the sons of Aqil, three brothers of Abbas ibn Ali from Ali’s wife Umm al-Banin, then Qasim, the son of Hassan, a young and beautiful boy whose body was trampled and mutilated and whose death is described in touching terms. Hussein watched the fall of each of them and ran to the field to bring back their bodies and lay them in a row before his tent. One by one, all the descendants of Abu-Talib gave their lives fighting the enemy, and eventually there remained only two: Hussein and his half-brother Abbas ibn Ali; the standard bearer of the vanquished army. Famous for his physical strength and bravery and known as “the moon of the Banu-Hashim” because of his extraordinary beauty, the latter was a great support to Hussein throughout the period of torture and calamity. Now it was time for him to throw himself on to the swords of the bloodthirsty Umayyad army. With broken hearts, distressed and spattered with the blood of their dearest ones, both brothers went together and fell upon the enemy.

The enraged Abbas penetrated deep into the ranks of his foes, became separated from Hussein, and was killed some distance away. Alone and weary, Hussein returned to the tents to console the terrified and grief-stricken women and children for what would befall them after his demise and to bid them farewell for the last time. Trying to calm his thirsty and crying infant child, Hussein took him in his arms just as an arrow struck the baby. Hussein lifted his hands with the dead child toward heaven and prayed to God for justice and rewards for his sufferings.

Exhausted and weary, lonely and dejected, wounded and bleeding, Hussein seated himself at the door of his tent. The Umayyad forces wavered for a moment, hesitant to kill the grandson of the Prophet. Finally it was Shamir who advanced with a small group of soldiers, but even he did not dare to deliver the final blow on Hussein; there merely ensued an altercation between the two. At last the son of Ali rose and threw himself on the Umayyads. Attacked from every side, he finally fell face-down on the ground just in front of his tent, while the women and children watched the dreadful scene. A boy of tender age, Abdullah, the youngest son of Hassan ibn Ali, in a fit of horror and terror, could not be controlled by the women, rushed from the tent, and stretched his hands around his uncle to protect him. A sword fell upon him and cut off the hands of the young boy. Finally, as Shamir raised his sword again to make the final blow on Hussein, the latter’s sister Zaynab came out of the tent and cried, addressing Ibn Sa’d:

“O Umar ibn Sa’d, will Abu-Abdullah [Hussein’s kunya] be killed while you are standing by and watching?”

Nothing could help. Sinan cut off the head of the grandson of the Prophet in front of the tent where the women and children were watching and crying. Khawali ibn Yazid al Asbahi took the head into his custody to be taken to Kufa.

The combat having thus ended, the soldiers turned to pillage and looting. They seized Hussein’s clothes, his sword, and whatever was on his body. They looted the tents and seized from the women their ornaments, their baggage, and even the mantles from their heads. The only surviving male of the line of Hussein, his son Ali, who because of serious illness did not take part in the fighting, was lying on a skin in one of the tents. The skin was pulled from under him and Shamir would have killed him, but he was saved when Zaynab covered him under her arms and Ibn Sa’d restrained Shamir from striking the boy. The tragic day is known as Ashura, the tenth day of the month of Muharram.

[Chapter 7: The Martyrdom of Husayn | The Origins and Early Development of Shia Islam | Al-Islam.org